Goode, Erich : University of Maryland College Park
Preface
I have made a substantial number of revisions in this edition of Deviant Behavior. Aside from the usual updating,
I have added several entirely new chapters, compressed others, expanded still others, and deleted or added many
sections. I agree with Adler and Adler (2000, p. 8): The subject matter of the field is the "ABCs" of
deviance. What the concept of the sociology of deviance encompasses is Attitudes (or beliefs), Behavior, and Characteristics
(or traits), including those that are strictly physical. I disagree with Polsky (1998, pp. 202-203), who argues
that the study of behavior or conditions that are "not an
individual's fault" is off-limits, that is, that we are confined to studying behavior that is regarded as
immoral and more or less freely chosen, for which the person designated as deviant can be "blamed" for
engaging in. As I show, the social consequences of possessing involuntarily acquired characteristics are often
very similar to those that flow from "immoral" behavior.
Hence, in this edition, I have added a chapter on physical deviance, or what Goffman (1963, p. 4) referred to as
"abominations of the body--the various physical deformities," which includes violations of aesthetic norms
and disability. In that chapter, I forcefully argue that we sociologists should regard non-normative physical characteristics
as a form of deviance.
In addition (again, taking my cue from the Adlers' "ABCs of deviance"), I have added a chapter on deviant
belief systems, including religious, political, and paranormal beliefs. While the line between beliefs and behavior
is not always conceptually or theoretically easy to draw, we sociologists should reserve a place for deviant beliefs
in our thinking. It is possible that, in the history of the world, more people have been punished for unconventional
beliefs than for deviant behavior.
I have also compressed what were the three chapters on crime--violent crime, property crime, and white-collar crime--in
the previous edition into one chapter. I have taken seriously the argument of several recent critics (Bader, Becker,
and Desmond, 1996; Kunkel, 1999) that courses on deviance spend too much time discussing issues and especially
topics that are covered in a criminology course. Insofar as it is possible, I have avoided engaging in such repetition
and have kept my discussion of criminal behavior to a minimum. Of course, where concepts and theories overlap,
there is no avoiding duplication.
During the months prior to completing this revision, I sent out a request for a copy of a course syllabus on deviance
to all the persons listed in the American Sociological Association's Biographical Directory of Members for 1997-1998
who designated themselves as having a specialty in Section 4, Crime, Law, and Deviance. Slightly over 1,000 persons
were so listed, although not all, and very possibly a minority, regard deviance as their specialty and/or teach
or have taught courses on deviance. I also sent the same request to all authors and editors of books designed to
be used in deviance courses and to all instructors of deviance in the sociology department at Stony Brook. I did
not expect a substantial response rate; in fact, I received only 100 usable syllabi. (Some responded, but did not
enclose--or even have in their possession--syllabi.) I was surprised, however, that most editors and textbook authors
did not reply to my request. In any case, clearly, the 100 replies do not represent or reflect the approach or
content of all deviance courses taught in American universities. Still, in this edition I tally some of the results
of this little inquiry. It gave me a clearer idea of the topics deviance instructors discuss.
I have added a discussion of the use of tobacco as a form of deviance in Chapter 8 on legal drugs. I have simplified
the chapter on heterosexual deviances by regarding "sex work" as a conceptual category that encompasses
prostitution, pornography, and other sex-for-pay enterprises. I have retained but simplified my distinction between
constructionism and positivism, incorporating into Chapter 3 some concepts that are common to each approach. I
have retained deviance accounts as a vivid pedagogical device for illuminating key ideas in each chapter. Most
of the personal accounts that appear in this edition are new, and at least one account appears at the end of each
chapter.
Each time I encounter or simply think about the argument that the sociological study of deviance is "dead,"
that it was necessary to write "an obituary" for the field (Sumner, 1994), 1 marvel at the sheer stultifying
stupidity of the argument. No more alive field has ever existed, in sociology or any other discipline.
I would like to thank all the contributors of the personal accounts that appear at the end of each chapter; the
instructors of deviance courses who sent me one or more copies of their syllabi; Gary Marker for helping me with
the section on the Old Believers; Mary Ann Chaisson for commenting on the section on AIDS; Nachman Ben-Yehuda for
his all-around help; and Gerald Davison, John Neale, Alphonse Sallett, Marvin Scott, William J. Goode, Barbara
Weinstein, and Ron Weitzer. I would also like to thank the following reviewers: William R. Faulkner, Western Illinois
University; Vickie Jensen, California State
University-Northridge; Nick Larsen, Chapman University; and Victor N. Shaw, California State University-Northridge.
Most of all, I'd like to thank the researchers who investigate and the authors who write about this lively and
fascinating topic of deviance. Take my word for it: This field is not going to expire any time soon.
Erich Goode
Summary
The author seeks to understand deviance from the major sociological perspectives and theories of deviance by
providing a comprehensive, balanced examination of the conceptual foundation of the sociology of deviance. Throughout
the text, Goode imparts a practical knowledge towards real-world matters that enables students to think clearly
about them.
Chapter on physical characteristics as deviance. Helps students understand the full range of deviance and emphasizes
deviance is not always a motivated behavior whose occurrence needs to be explained (Ch. 11).
Chapter on cognitive deviance or deviant beliefs. Expands the conceptual and theoretical territory of deviance
by emphasizing that individuals are condemned for their beliefs and attitudes as much as for their behavior (Ch.
12).
Dedication of one chapter to crime-related deviance. This chapter distinguishes between primal or common law
crime and statutory crime. Personal accounts at the end of the chapter. Gives students interesting material about
real life experiences of deviance from which they can learn and understand the different types of deviant individuals
that exist in our society. Positivism and Constructionism (Ch. 3).
Illustrates the two basic orientations adopted by sociologists, researchers, and theorists towards deviance.
Separate and independent from each other, the positivist or explanatory approach attempts to account for why deviant
behavior takes place, while the constructionist approach attempts to explain why certain actions, beliefs, and
physical characteristics are condemned.
Synthesizes the interactionist, conflict theory, and empiricist views.
Offers an integrated view of deviance, allowing that no one competing theory answers all questions.
Numerous examples, boxed inserts, and first-hand "accounts" of deviant behavior.
Helps students bring the general principles of deviance to life.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction.
2. What is Deviance?
3. What Is to Be Explained? Two Approaches to Deviance.
4. Explaining Deviant Behavior: Positivist Theories.
5. Constructionist Theories of Deviance.
6. Criminal Behavior.
7. Drug Use as Deviant Behavior.
8. Legal Drugs: The Use of Alcohol and Tobacco.
9. Heterosexual Deviance.
10. Male and Female Homosexuality.
11. Physical Characteristics as Deviance.
12. Cognitive Deviance.
13. Mental Illness.
14. Ideological, Ethical, and Moral Implications of Studying Deviance.
